Saturday, January 3, 2015

The Kochi Novel


(There is a long standing debate on the necessity, or otherwise, of authenticity when writing on cities and history in literature, and Kochi figures in this debate in its limited portrayal in both  books and film.)

***

“In a time when people everywhere tend to speak alike and live alike, I consider it my good fortune to be able to record, through my writing, a unique way of living and speaking that is being lost. And yet, the purpose of the art form that is the novella is not the documentation of a society, or a description of its life and its customs and rituals. To do that, a historian or an essayist would more than suffice. In fact, they would be more qualified to do it than a writer of fiction. These are but mere ingredients in the writer’s effort to create a fresh flavor in fiction, a completely original artistic experience. If it does not create the experience of delight that is art, then all page-stuffing that goes by the name of novel writing is but in vain.”—Johny Miranda (From the author’s note to Requiem for the Living)

***
Of the great many concerns confronting an author of fiction whose work is premised on a place like Kochi, a cultural milieu shaped by labyrinthine historical narratives, aspects of authenticity are quite likely to be the sternest. It is in a way a case of the very factors that in the first place attract the author to the work turning out to be its most intriguing impediments: your imagination is stimulated by the milieu; now how will your language interpret and translate this stimulus?

The path of rigourous and exhaustive research is the most popular one embarked on in this pursuit, especially in contemporary Indian fiction where, in addition to the perennial sway it has from ancient times held over purveyors of literary imagination, a complex matrix of sociopolitical factors—of which the interests of market is not the least significant—has made history a fashionable and oft frequented fictional location. Common sense dictates that the more information you have about the place where your work is set—its people; its geography; its customs and traditions; its fashion and culinary culture— the more authentic your work is likely to be, and, as an obvious consequence, more powerful.

Not everyone, however, is in agreement.

There is a school of thought—classical and conservative, but which in the contemporary world of Malayalam literature is not, and does not quite care to be, vociferous enough to be heard above the din and sloganeering hubbub of a sensibility that associates itself less with the formal components of art and more with its visible political content—which argues that authenticity in literature is in essence an effect that can come only from within, as a consequence of the work’s inner, invisible structure woven by myriad intricate strands of which political content happens to be just one; and as such, even the most well researched work is bound to be a sham if the perspective of the research is framed by an outsider’s eye for the exotic. Those who stand by this argument believe that fictional authenticity has to, and can only, be understood as an abstract, aesthetic ideal, and not as a consequence of precisely assorted and maneuvered sets of researched data. Johny Miranda and P F Mathews, authors of two of the finest, albeit little known even in Malayalam, Kochi novels, are firm advocates of this notion. What matters, they say, is not whether this or that nugget of information is historically precise, but whether it is aesthetically valid. To impart knowledge is none of fiction’s business; what it strives for is to lead the reader to dimensions that can exist only in the plane of imagination, of dreams.

Both Miranda and Mathews, who hail from the Latin Catholic community of Kochi’s cluster of tiny backwater islands, affirm that the decision to base their novels 0n Kochi and on the life of Latin Catholics was not borne out of a conscious urge to write a Kochi novel that focused on community assertion. The urge, instead, was to write a novel that conformed to universal ideals of aesthetics based on what was closest to them and what they knew best, and what for them were not reams of exotic content but merely lived experiences of day-to-day existence. Kochi, thus, was not the focal point of imagination, but a mere medium for these writers who locate themselves unequivocally on the side of art in that ancient, but still unresolved and therefore not any less significant, debate about what art is for: for its own sake or for the sake of life? In fact, it is within the framework of this debate that they prefer to place the discourse on authenticity in fiction, instead of reducing it to a squabble between the ‘insiders’ and the ‘outsiders’. Given the unabashed propensity with which contemporary Malayalam—its print media, social media and academic discourses—straightjackets works of art and literature on grounds of ideology and identity, this is indeed a significant point of view.    
   
Johny Miranda, whose novella Jeevichirikkunnavarkku Vendiyulla Oppees, first published in 2004 by Mathrubhoomi Books, and which has till now remained obscure in Malayalam, says that when he set out to write his book, his only aim was to “write a good novella—by this I mean a book that would satisfy the literary reader-someone who is honestly and sincerely looking for an aesthetic experience as opposed to one who reads for exotic content, or to learn about history, or for sociological reasons.” The novella has now been translated into English by Sajai Jose as Requiem for the Living, published by Oxford University Press. Malayalam, however, still remains blind to this remarkable work which was hailed by Paul Zacharia, one of the greatest Malayalam writers, as “a gem of Bhasha literature” that “depicts an overpowering world of make-belief, a medley of religion, ritual, custom and superstition that solidifies into the life system of the islanders—a phantasmagoria of real and imagined pasts in which the ornamental inheritances of the Portuguese days and the harsh realities of a marginalized people are intermingled.”  

Miranda’s unwavering commitment to the ‘good novel’ and to its ‘literary reader’ is matched in its intensity by the contempt with which he regards the ‘easily pleasing novel’ that caters to the ‘lazy reader’. Presently employed as a lineman with the Kerala State Electricity Board, he is particularly scornful of the “well-researched-but-lifeless-novel” which, according to him, is an exploitative genre and a market driven project that aims at nothing more than to take commercial advantage of  the reader’s curiosity, a treachery that he believes will be exposed ruthlessly by the forces of time.

“This is the information age, and there are plenty of works that you come across, especially in Malayalam, where you know the writer has chosen a certain topic and has then proceeded to write a fictional work on it. Or he or she has obtained exotic or unusual information from sources like the internet. Still others do ‘fieldwork’—ie, meet people, especially old people, tap into their memories and then use it in their writing. Such ‘research based’ works often reveal their true selves later because often the ingredients lie separate and half baked in the final dish”, says Miranda who believes that literature is not even obliged to be on the side of the human.

And yet, despite it not being his objective, the novella has turned out to be one of the most powerful narratives of community assertion in Malayalam literature. No work of fiction has illustrated the ethos of the Kochi-Creole world and the life of the Anglo Indian Latin Catholics with such disturbing grace and panache as Requiem for the Living has. In her introduction to the English translation of the book, J Devika, eminent scholar and critic, attributes this to the fact that “Requiem for the Living does not seek to be a substitute for anthropological description. Nor is it a simplistic attempt to claim and assert a community identity—and indeed this is what marks it as a unique literary effort. It faces upfront the reality of the impossibility of asserting miscegenated identities in a culture so obsessed with purity of birth.” Miranda, too, avers that Requiem for the Living was not meant to be a comprehensive record of his community’s life and culture, and makes it a point to emphasise that the novel’s worldview is not a flawless articulation of the community’s worldview.

While both Miranda and Mathews do not argue with the notion that a written text can be read in whichever way the reader wants to, they feel that the mainstream readership is shortchanging both themselves and writers who are committed to ideals of artistic intuition by reducing everything to inflexible—and very easily navigable on account of its familiarity by way of mindless repetition—discursive trajectories of political correctness. According to them, it certainly does not help that from early works written with the proclaimed goal of community reform to the works of progressive writers movement—Purogamana Kala Sahithya Prasthanam—inspired by proletariat Communist idealism in the first two decades after independence to the works of identity assertion that gained and continue to have prominence from the nineties, Malayalam has a long history of literature that catered readily to the demands of reductionist political readings masquerading as literary criticism.

The emergence of identity studies, initially in the early part of twentieth century as a political movement within various subaltern communities and then later in the nineties as a post colonial academic project which mainstream magazines appropriated into a journalistic genre that some publishers now catalogue as life writing, is of pivotal significance in this context. Given the way it confronted, and to an extent successfully toppled, the domineering Savarna hegemony of mainstream imagination, any rebuttal, especially in no uncertain terms, of its theoretical framework stands the risk of being exposed as elitist and snobbish. However, both Miranda and Mathews hold the view that in the last decade or so, identity studies has become yet another oppressive norm, a prisoner of its own devices, sabotaging its very premise by means of crippling the agency of writers who are coerced into boxes their creative selves instinctively loathe getting into; a classic case of critique against one hegemonic order turning out to be another hegemonic order.

“Any writing”, Miranda says, “that attempts to tell a story by restricting itself to a frame—for instance, these days you have women’s writing, Dalit writing, suchlike, for e.g.—is according to me a failure from the very beginning. I’m proud that Jeevichirikkunnavarkku Vendiyulla Oppees does not fall into any such category. To my mind, literature is not something that should be restricted to a certain framework. When you sit down to write, it’s not the kind of reader who form the majority of your audience that you keep in mind, but the readers who stand on the highest plane in terms of sensibility.”

P F Mathews, author of the novel Chavunilam (Dead Land), a hypnotic account of the life in a nameless Kochi backwater island populated mostly by Latin Catholics, wonders why only writers from subaltern cultural locations are expected by mainstream academic discourses to carry the burden of being “voices of their community”. Citing his own experience, he says that subaltern writers find themselves right in the middle of a two-pronged battle where on the one side they have to face up to dominant upper caste voices—both Hindu and Syrian Christian—to be even heard, and on the other resist the academic patronage of those who are insistent on deploying their works as mere political artillery in an ideological war.

First published in 1996, Chavunilam, a novel that with a chilling tenderness portrays the human condition as a carnival of death—almost each of the twenty five chapters in the novel has vivid descriptions of deaths and ghosts—was hardly even acknowledged as a published work until 2010 when, after Mathews won the national award for the best screenplay for the film Kuttisrank, it was published again. Even after that, it has remained largely obscure, while many of the few who did read it chose, much to Mathews’ consternation, to focus on aspects of identity and cultural landscape than on its aesthetic topography. “It is a very difficult”, he says, “for a writer like me to make his presence felt in a literary culture that has always been dominated by Savarna voices. And to make matters a lot worse, when I am read, the focus is usually not on what I set out to achieve. It is a terrible dilemma. Does anyone ask MT Vasudevan Nair how he feels to be the voice of Nair community? Why do people choose to focus on aesthetics when they discuss MT and burden writers like me and Miranda with the responsibility of being some sort of cultural ambassadors for our community?”

Mathews believes that one major reason for such inclinations to reduce everything to the realm of crude moralistic binaries—whether a certain work is offending or not, whether it is politically correct or not—is the influence wielded by weeklies and monthly magazines which to all intents and purposes determine the tone and tenor of the literary culture in Malayalam. The emphasis journalism places on contemporary reality as the supreme form of reality, and the myopic view with which it frames a populist and easily readable mode of communication as the most politically correct form of literary expression, according to him, is a trap which has consumed both readers and writers. The advent of social media platforms where the “shallow spontaneity of reactions” is the unforgiving norm, he believes, has only exacerbated this situation.  

“The intellectual Malayalee”, he says “takes great pride in thrashing ‘painkili’ literature (a popular term for literature of the masses). But the way I see it, what is published as political and academic discourses in these mainstream magazines is also one kind of ‘painkili literature’. They are both cunningly designed to attract readership, especially those readers who are on the lookout for easy equations to instantly theorize everything they encounter in life, and therefore betray the very politics they claim to be standing for. Most of what they publish as literature is not literature and most of what they publish as critical theory is not critical theory.”

***
Despite its much celebrated historical grandeur; despite being the only metropolitan city in Kerala; and despite the popularity of a very thriving literary tradition of ‘writing the land/desham’ (nation), Kochi has not featured that often in Malayalam literature. While the near absence of literature that depicts the coastal life in the region has been ascribed to several reasons—the dominance of Savarna voices in both mainstream Malayalam literature and the left liberal ideology that provides its theoretical structure; the distinctness of its cultural life (a consequence of its miscegenated identity) that is at odds with the upper caste Hindu elitism which defines Kerala’s mainstream cultural life; the economic backwardness of the region; the lack of sufficient historical documentation of its culture—it is quite surprising, given the predisposition Kerala has towards celebrations of both its ancient cosmopolitanism and a self constructed, almost delusional, image of a sociologically conscious contemporary society, that neither the colonial past of Kochi—a city that was colonized by three different forces in a span of three decades and from where India’s colonial past had begun—nor its present status as a thriving metro especially notorious for its high crime rate has been explored much in fiction.

Parishkara Vijayam (Victory of Reform), written by Variyath Chori Peter, and published in 1906 by Kochi Union Press, is the first Malayalam novel to portray the life of Latin Catholics in Kochi. As the title would suggest, it was written with the specific intention of achieving community reforms. Written in the tongue of the region, the novel provides a vivid portrait of the life at the time. However, it did not inspire a successor for a long period until Ponjikkara Rafi, towards the middle of the last century, came up with Swargadoothan (Heaven’s Messenger), a brilliant stream of consciousness novel that also presaged the destiny of obscurity which was to befall Miranda and Mathews on their literary journeys. It remains out of print in Malayalam, and is seldom mentioned in academic discourses as well, while many second rate novels of the same era are still talked about for their ‘revolutionary merit’. Rafi’s other novels—Paapikal (The Sinners), Oro Pro Nobis (Pray for Us), Kanayile Kalyanam (Marriage at Cana)—also are based on the region, though his later novels focus more on cultural documentation—thus, ironically, making them excellent research material for modern day writers—than on the one of a kind experimental streak that distinguishes Swargadoothan.

Both the Progressive Writers Movement post independence and the high modernity movement inspired by European existentialism in the seventies did not feature significant Kochi based works. The notable exception in this regard is the short stories of Victor Lenous, arguably the most stylish writer of urban male angst and loneliness in Malayalam. In a career spanning twenty years from 1972 to 1992, Victor wrote only twelve short stories, almost all of them based on the city of Ernakulam, while most of his contemporaries had preferred Delhi as the city for their rootless heroes lost to the debauchery of existential pathos. Victor was least interested in exploring the historical dimensions of Kochi, focusing instead on weaving into the beguilingly laced fabric of his stories, with a distinctly minimalist sophistication, the urban ethos of modern Ernakulam, which at the time was still evolving into the globalised metro it was to later become. His sleek stories also present the first, and perhaps still the finest, instance in Malayalam of investigating the aesthetic possibilities of crime and underworld. Though they have gone to achieve cult status—especially since his death in 1992—the stories remain largely obscure in the domain of mainstream literature.   
  
The most famous Kochi novel in Malayalam, inarguably, is N S Madhavan’s masterly crafted Lanthan Batheriyile Luthiniyakal, translated and published by Penguin Books as Litanies of Dutch Battery, which tells the story of an imaginary island named Lanthan Bathery through the voice of its intriguing narrator, Edwina Theresa Irene Maria Anne Margarita Jessica, whose tone is at once intensely autobiographical and objectively political. Unlike Miranda’s and Mathews’ novels, Litanies of Dutch Battery is kaleidoscopic in its narrative structure and covers a far broader historical, political and demographic spectrum. If in Jeevichirikkunnavarkku Vendiyulla Oppees and in Chavunilam, the geographical isolation of the island is reflected in the way its characters disengage themselves from both the world around them and the opulence of historical narratives that define their existence in mainstream consciousness, Lanthan Batheriyile Luthiniyakal rigorously chronicles the ways in which the island and the history of the world around it reach out to each other, thus accomplishing the narrative of isolation by means of describing its very obliteration at the altar of politics. In that sense, the mien of the novel is post colonial and historical as opposed to the magical realist version of an old school existentialism—a Dostoevskian twist to Gabriel Garcia Marquez—explored by the other two. This is hardly surprising either, coming as it does from a writer like Madhavan, a pioneer in Malayalam at developing a form and structure that with intricate precision map the archetypal emotional crises of his characters on to the contemporary political crises of the world around them. 

Lanthan Batheriyile Luthiniyakal, which has been both critically lauded and commercially successful, has had its share of critics too. J Devika, for instance, argues that Madhavan, in his attempt to reclaim the multicultural legacy of Kochi, employs Parankis (the Malayalam term for Kochi-Creole people, literary meaning Portuguese) as “one of the elements in constructing its exotic allure”. P F Mathews, too, believes that the novel stands guilty of exoticising history, which incidentally, according to him, is one of the main reasons for the universal acceptance it has garnered. “There is no doubt that Lanthan Batheriyile Luthiniyakal is one of the most meticulously researched and brilliantly crafted novels in Malayalam. Its sentences are sparkling, and the imagery is eye-catchy. But that does not hide the fact that it approaches history from the perspective of a dominant other. That, I suppose, is why he is so insistent on providing so much historical data for the sake of authenticity.” Mathews is also critical of the voice of its narrator Jessica, in particular of the way Madhavan chooses to cast her in the same Biblical mould as Jesus. “All of that seems a little too contrived”, he says.

Kochi and its colonial history have found expressions in English too, most famously in Salman Rushdie’s The Moor’s Last Sigh where, in a manner so typical of him, Rushdie has chronicled the history of a Rushdian Kochi, a city invented upon the edifice of a colonial historical imagination with the dreamy astuteness of a post colonial Victorian sensibility that defines his oeuvre. George Thundiparambil’s Maya, which features Kappiri Muthappan—the mythical, cigar smoking African slave who, according to legend, was buried by the Portuegese  under large trees along with their treasures when the Dutch had claimed Fort Kochi—as the hero is another recent work that excavates the city’s past for its inspiration. (Kappiri is derived from the Arab word Kafir, used by Arab travelers to describe the people of Africa.)   
  
With the emergence of Kochi, especially Fort Kochi, as a prime destination in the international tourist map, a glut of travel guides and coffee table books have of late started coming out. In sync with its projected image of a tourist site that provides a sumptuous feast of colonial vestiges, these are usually bland reproductions of popular historical narratives that faithfully glorify the city’s imperial legacy.      
***
Interestingly, while its literature has not had much to do with Kochi, Malayalam’s cinema has, since the advent of millennium, turned the city into both its cultural and industrial headquarters. This, at the level of logistics, is a direct consequence of the industry shifting its financial base from Chennai, where it had been headquartered from the time of its inception, to Kochi following the emergence of modern studio facilities in the city. Soon, the city—again, especially Fort Kochi—also became the favored location for many filmmakers.  In fact, a whole new genre of Kochi films emerged which located the city as Malayalam’s own underworld; a Chotta Mumbai, as the title of a blockbuster movie says.

But despite the fact that according to official figures, Kochi has, for the best part of last ten years, found a permanent spot right at the top of the list of cities with the highest crime rate, this cinematic underworld is a blatant misrepresentation, a slipshod caricature inspired more by the commercially appealing visual possibilities of its setting than by any meaningful interpretations of an existing social condition. With its crisscrossing networks of narrow alleys; its massive godowns; its graffiti laden walls; its harbor; and its colonial architecture; Fort Kochi and the adjascent Mattancheri are tailor made locations for run of the mill action thrillers. A lot of these are also blatant rip-offs of foreign language movies, especially Korean ones, prompting Anvar Abdullah, an eminent film critic, to ask if Kochi is the capital of Korea. The only noteworthy exception in this genre is Rajiv Ravi’s Annayum Rasoolum (Anna and Rasool), a Shakespearian romance in the Vishal Bharadwaj mould, in which Kochi is as much a character as a location.   

Along with its visual peculiarities, the idiosyncrasies of Kochi’s vernacular too are a commercial factor that Malayalam cinema, in particular the much celebrated (and much maligned as well) ‘new generation Malayalam cinema’, has exploited. Here too, the emphasis has been on parody than on a faithful cinematic reproduction of a distinct accent. If literature had sought to exoticise the history of Kochi, cinema’s endeavor has been to exoticise its present, populating it with Godfatheresque dons and dope crazed ‘freaks’. Needless to say, the actual dynamics of crime and its tangled operational networks are paid scant regard. Had that not been the case, more crime/action/underworld thrillers would most certainly have had the globalised and haphazardly crowded urban milieu of Ernakulam as its background rather than the dazzling locales of Fort Kochi. Ironically, cinema itself has now birthed a local underworld of a different kind, one that controls such production processes like renting buildings, providing local ‘extra’ artists, etc.

In literature, V M Devadas’ Pannivetta (The Bohr Hunt), published in 2010 by DC books, is the only contemporary novel of note to explore the aspects of Kochi as a hub of crime and its complex post-globalisation sociopolitical ethos. The plot of Pannivetta revolves around the life of a set of local gangsters who have been hired to be part of a Russian roulette in connection with the setting up of a corporate industrial township named Info City. Grushe, a Russian born Jew who had migrated to USA following the collapse of USSR, is the woman who has been assigned to conduct the roulette. The novel is narrated as a set of profiles of the gangsters Grushe meets after she arrives at Kochi.

Devadas, who hails from Thrissur, Ernakulam’s neighbouring district, says that he was drawn to the idea of a Kochi novel primarily on account of the possibilities the city offered to investigate the multifarious dimensions of globalisation as both a political and personal experience. Rather than on the documentation of the city’s colonial past, the novel’s focus is on documenting the history of crime and violence of Kerala society from 1970-2010; and to explore the interconnected networks of state and its machinery, various business mafia and conventional political and economic ideologies. Kochi, in Pannivetta, is deployed as a metaphor for the novel’s philosophical pursuit, a modern city that has both geographic and economic hideout-islands in its margins. “In that sense”, he says “the objective of choosing Kochi as a background was not to write a Kochi novel per se, but to use the place as an ideal location where people from different parts of Kerala, and India, can meet. That is why, I have not focused on one particular community: you have, in addition to characters from Kochi, Tamil immigrants, people from the north east, Jews, foreigners etc.  Also, there was a conscious effort to include the various geographical dimensions of Kochi, and not to stereotype Kochi as Fort Kochi or a backwater island.”

However, Pannivetta too, has been criticized for the ways in which it seeks to transform Kochi into a populist fantasy. P F Mathews, for instance, says that the novel is “an escapist narrative that does not address the harshness of either the historical or contemporary realities it seeks to portray”; an illustration of “how things can go wrong when you approach a place like Kochi with an outsider’s preconceived notions.” To this criticism which implicates him of exoticising the contemporary, Devadas responds by arguing that following the advent and categorical consolidation of a globalised world political order, the conventional notions that went into the construction of land/desham (nation)—language, traditions, customs, regionalism—have collapsed, and consequentially, those that used to distinguish an insider from an outsider as well. For a globalised citizen, he says, the idea of one’s own Desham is that of a fluid and hybrid entity composed of heterogeneous elements, and whose boundaries are by nature protean. “That is one reason why I chose to base my novel around a conspicuously fictitious element like Russian roulette. It was a narrative tool to establish the plane of my novel as the plane of hyper real. And yet, its historical contexts remain very real.” 

Interestingly, though they differ on what constitutes authenticity in literature, they are in agreement on the topic of literature that panders to fixed norms of political correctness. “In the context of Kerala society, identity politics is a double edged political problem. Even while it is evident that many vested interests, including academicians and religious and political organizations, exploit its theoretical framework, one can never entirely abandon it. I believe that the questions raised by identity studies are very significant and cannot be addressed with just a class based analysis; the flipside however is when it is used for the creation of idols, and as a quick-fix panacea for deep-seated problems. The prevailing trend of synthetically creating characters to appease such politically correct norms is a practice I condemn as a writer.”
According to Devadas, if one were to extrapolate this stance on political correctness to the realm of insiders and outsiders, one will have to question the ‘authenticity of the authenticity’ claimed by ‘pure insiders’. For validation, one needn’t look beyond the fact that discussions of insider novels from Kochi do not feature works by women or by Muslims who are a prominent presence in the city. “In any case, in literature, what the traditional insider and the traditional outsider execute, at its core, is the same process: that of translating into language a personal or personalized experience. How, then, can one personal experience be privileged over the other?”

Indeed, for those who do not care much for the finality of an absolute answer, such questions, ancient and unsettled, yet offering multiple, and equally vindicated paths for its resolution, are what matter most. How does one understand authenticity in literature? Does that authenticity matter one bit in the understanding of literature? Is the age of the pure blooded insider done and dusted? Have exploitative forces of market legitimized an outsider’s exotic gaze? Is it possible for a writer to possess a gaze that is not exotic? How does one understand the dynamics of ethics in the realm of creativity? Is ethics in fiction a question of style or of meaning? How does one understand the politics of reading? What is the politics of a manner of reading that tries to politicize everything that is being read? Should a reader insist on ethical judgments of the text? Why shouldn’t a reader insist on ethical judgements of the text? Should a reader search for answers? Does reading matter at all?

***

Thursday, October 16, 2014

Rebels in a Maze

(Opium and an enabling government have pushed the Naga rebellion in Changlang to a dead end.)

***
Beyond this bridge you’re on your own; I’m not responsible for your safety,” the lone soldier manning the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) bunker at the bridge that led to Salang village told us as we walked over.
Photographer Deepu Philip and I were on assignment in Changlang, a district nestled in the south eastern corner of Arunachal Pradesh. We were accompanied by another photographer, Prahas Nair. Late August-early September, when we visited, is considered to be one of the most pleasant times of the year, when the monsoon is tailing off, the cold hasn’t yet begun to bite and the air is clean, with just a hint of the winter freeze.
We’d made the longest train journey of our lives, from Kanyakumari, the southernmost point, to Dibrugarh in Assam, which we reached on August 25. The next day we went to Mohanbari where the inner line permits for travel into Arunachal are issued. On the 27th, we were in Changlang after a long and torturous journey by an antiquated bus on a rutted, pitted road that snakes up and down the hills forever, it seems. Though it’s just 50-60 kilometres from Margherita in Assam to the district headquarters, it took us more than four hours to get there.
We were trying to track the opium traffic in an area that is a theatre of the Naga insurgency, the country’s oldest, a struggle that began just a little after Independence and still remains unresolved. It provides the backdrop to everything that happens. The militants seem to be everywhere, just like the military, and even more ubiquitous. The army, on the other hand, is in your face. “The guerrilla must move amongst the people as a fish swims in the sea” Mao Zedong wrote in his classic manual long ago. The militants seem to have taken that lesson to heart.
Changlang, like many other playgrounds of turmoil, is a land of hypnotic natural beauty surrounded by hills between 200 metres and 4,500 metres. The vegetation ranges from lush tropical to the ultra-Alpine and the name comes from changlangkan, “a hilltop where people discovered the herb used for poisoning fish in the rivers.” It is also, as is often the case with conflict zones, a place of vital strategic significance.
The southeastern corner touches Myanmar, perilously close to the Golden Triangle, an area of around 9,50,000 square kilometres that overlaps the highlands of Myanmar, Laos and Thailand, one of Asia’s two major opium producing belts along with Afghanistan in the Golden Crescent.
On the face of it, Changlang is a blessed land. The land is fertile and ideal for farming, and it has immense tourism and hydropower potential. Its oil and coal reserves could generate thousands of jobs. The location makes it a viable route for trade with Myanmar. Instead, Changlang’s economy, according to deputy commissioner (DC) Chanchal Yadav, is a shambles. The killer, she says, is a deadly combination of opium and insurgency. Scores of addicts in the longhouses of the district provide grim testimony to the all-prevalent hopelessness here.
“Rampant opium addiction has severely impacted productivity,” says Chanchal. “It has not only weakened their health, but has also been a serious deterrent to efficiency and aspiration levels. Opium is behind various illegal activities which include drug peddling and arms trafficking. It is also a major source of income for the insurgents.”
Changlang is part of the demand for Greater Nagalim by Naga militants, both Khaplang(K) and Isak-Muivah(IM) factions of the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN), and it has, according to the DC, "rendered this land of immense possibilities insurgency torn."
Nagalim, the promised land for which the insurgency is waged, is envisaged as a kingdom of Christ inhabited by the Nagas that includes at least 35 tribes of north-east India and north-west Burma. Despite the fierce rivalry between themselves,  both NSCN(K) and NSCN(IM) are united by ideology: they both remain resolute advocates for “Nagaland for Christ”.
They’re Christian missionaries who carry both Bible and guns at the same time,” says Phikam Kanglom, a 24-year-old unemployed resident of Old Changlang village. Threat letters have been reported to be issued to the Central Rangfrah Administrative Council (CRAC) of the district, asking it to stop all socio-cultural and faith promotional activities of the Rangsomhum, the Rangfrah temple where the spiritual life of the Rangfrahs, the predominant indigenous religion of the region, is centred. 
Most people who come from outside the state stay in the Circuit House (the official government  guest house) as there are only two other lodges in Changlang, one of them in a slum. The Circuit House is perched on a hilltop, and offers a panoramic view of the surrounding country in the morning and evening, enigmatically lit by the rising or setting sun. The military presence is less obtrusive as well. Just three kilometres away, in plain sight, is the village of Salang, controlled by the NSCN(K), where it has set up “Rocket Camp”. The NSCN(K), according to various estimates, has at least 3,000 armed fighters, concentrated in eastern Nagaland, Tirap and Changlang districts of Arunachal, as well as Kachin province of Myanmar.
Rao, 50, the caretaker of the building comes from Andhra Pradesh, and has been here for the last 15 years. He says they’ve had no problems with their neighbours. “They don’t come here and create trouble. If they want something from the market, they have locals assigned for the task. There might be a lot of things going on between the government and these people, but why should we bother?”
Officials at the DC’s office also dismiss our questions with what comes across as a practiced nonchalance. The reason, they say, is that the camp exists with the implicit acknowledgement of the government. “Look, the village is in India, and the DC office is nearby, so there’s nothing to worry about unless you deliberately create some issues. But that can happen in any village, in, Kerala too,” says Sreejesh Kumar, a native of Kollam in Kerala, who came to Changlang 20 years ago. He’s the personal assistant to Marina Khenglam, chair of the Zilla Parishad.
For the locals and for the army, the insurgents next door are just one more fact of everyday life, a truth they have now reconciled to. There is even an impression of harmonious coexistence. It’s a disturbing state of peace, a chimera of order and sanity, a drugged peace, according to Phikam Kanglom.
“If the administration really wants to solve the insurgency and the opium problems of Changlang, they can do it easily, maybe in a matter of days,” he says. “But since they haven’t, we have to assume the Indian government wants to keep them there, maybe even as near to the administration as possible. Why, we don’t know. We’ve got used to this drugged peace.” 
Sreejesh’s take is similar. “I’ve been here for years and I can assure you that neither kaani(the local name for opium) nor insurgency will be wiped out unless the administration first takes steps to wipe out its own corrupt ways.”
He wonders why five per cent to 15 per cent of funds for the various projects in the district are siphoned off to NSCN(K), apparently with the sanction of the administration. “It is as if the administration is paying these people some sort of tax,” he says. One can’t address opium without addressing the insurgency, and neither, according to him, can be resolved without addressing the corruption.
“I have seen so many IAS and IPS officers come and go. And so many politicians. I know everyone has made money. I don’t want to blame the individuals; it’s a systemic problem: insurgency, corruption, opium—they’re all part of the same story.”
His boss Marina is even more categorical and damning in her indictment of the government's role in transforming the district to a stage of intoxicated chaos. “Why blame the insurgents alone?” she asks. “Everyone knows insurgency has been forced on us by the Indian government. What right does it have to hold the insurgents responsible when we have been made mere pawns in a wicked diplomacy game?”
At Circuit House we ask how we might get in touch with the men in charge of “Rocket Camp”. One of the officials gives me a mobile phone number. “This belongs to T, he’s the NSCN(K) ‘civil minister’ in charge of Rocket,” the official says. “Contact him directly. Everyone knows him. Everyone has his number too, but to be on the safe side, don’t reveal your source if you’re pressed.”
I ask if we could get into trouble for calling T. He laughs. “Each department at the DC’s office pays them three to five per cent of the revenue allotted for various projects. There’ll be no problem whatsoever.”
So I dial the number and get T. He instructs us to wait in the Circuit House lounge for one of his men to talk to us on his behalf. Half an later, a tall, well built man walks in and introduces himself as Munna, T’s emissary.
“I’m a non-tribal local, originally from Bengal. I’m not one of them, but I’ve been told by T Saab to come and talk to you.” He seems at home, as if he owns the place. First he takes off his shirt and spreads it on a sofa. Then he starts questioning us about ourselves and the magazine.
According to Munna insurgency is not a problem in Changlang. He checks my notebook in detail, and calls T. I ask for an interview but Munna says T is busy. He checks the notebook again, and asks who gave us T’s number. I simply repeat that it’s our policy not to give such information. He seems to accept this.
Then he repeats, albeit in far more stern terms, what we were earlier told by Nonghki Kamba Longchang, chair of the Anchal Samiti of Khuchep. “I don’t know what you’ve heard about insurgency and NSCN(K), but I’m telling you, they’re nice people as far as I know. They’ve never created any trouble for us. All they ask us to do is to get them things they want from the market. But don’t mess with them. You have no idea how strong they are.”
Nearly everyone I speak to in Changlang is cagey when the discussion settles on the subject of insurgency. Even the army, which has been fighting the insurgents, it seems, forever, is extremely reluctant to disturb the status quo. It has been criticised, sometimes sharply, for its apparent inertia and for its habit of playing off one group against the other.
In an opinion piece published last year, R. N. Ravi, chairman of the Joint Intelligence Committee, appointed in August as the government of India’s interlocutor for the Indo-Naga peace talks, accused the army of overriding the government during Manmohan Singh’s tenure.
The article refers to “the failure of P. Chidambaram, then home minister, in getting dismantled the ‘Rocket Camp’, a notorious garrison of a Naga militia at Salang village in 2010. Following torrents of public complaints of depredations including rampant extortion, forcible abduction of young boys for recruitment and young girls as comfort women by the militants of this camp, Chidambaram directed the army, the force responsible for the area, to dismantle it. The force commander scoffed at the instructions and disdainfully repudiated him. He needed them as a tactical requirement to keep the rival militias in check.”
In another opinion piece published in The Hindu, Ravi had pointed to the “reckless ceasefire” for the last 17 years between NSCN(IM) and the government as the pivotal cause for pushing the Nagas into a state of civil war.
(His appointment has not been well received. The NSCN(IM) has come heavily on the government for “appointing a person well-known for his antagonistic approach to the Naga issue and his obnoxious writings; a person who is not guided by conscience and who also has no respect or insight of the Naga history as observed from his write-ups.”)
The change of government at the Centre has sparked a new concern. The locals seem to be convinced that there’s going to be a radical policy shift which will re-define the political topography of the district. The idea is based on two strongly held opinions.
The first is that Sonia Gandhi is a Catholic who had a soft corner for the Christian insurgents. The second, one that is a direct consequence of the first, is that Prime Minister Narendra Modi will not tolerate Christian insurgents. It remains to be seen what will happen but change is likely, with General (retired) V. K. Singh as minister for the north-east with Cabinet rank.
Khuchep’s Nonghki Kamba Longchang, like most others in the district, favours maintaining the status quo. “The administration is right to let the insurgents be so long as they don’t violate the unwritten laws of peaceful co-existence,” he says. “We’ve learnt to live with each other. They don’t come where we live, so why should we go and disturb their peace?” But he doesn’t disguise the underlying fear.
“The truth is, if I have to live peacefully here, I have to stay away from everything that is likely to irk them. And honestly, they don’t ask much of us. Maybe buy them rice and other such commodities from the market, or maybe medicines; that’s not too tough a job, is it?”
Politicians too, across parties, underscore the sentiment. Thikhak Taiju, who was the local MLA for three successive terms until he lost the last election, and who is one of the richest men in Changlang--he owns most of the shops in the market and has a marketplace named in his honour: T. T. Point--says that everyone knows opium comes from Myanmar through the insurgents, but to take them head on would be imprudent.
“That will only make things worse. If we need to tackle the opium menace, we first need to free the people here from their addiction. For that we need awareness programmes. If there are no addicts, what are they going to do with the opium from Myanmar?”
On August 30, the day after meeting us, Taiju sent his son to Circuit House. He wanted us to meet him at home. He asked if we worked for television and whether his views would be televised. He requested us to “not write anything that might land me in trouble. Opium, as you know, is a very sensitive issue here, and, as you know the insurgents live right next door.” There was no attempt at empty bravado, or to project the image of a fearless leader.
“You people will go tomorrow or day after. But I have to continue living here,” he said.
According to official figures, homegrown opium accounts for 20-30 per cent of the total consumption. The rest comes through the porous 290-kilometre border with Myanmar. There are 22 border pillars on the international border, verified annually by the Border Guarding Force, i.e., the Assam Rifles. The numberless, unmanned, porter tracks on either side of the border offer safe passage to the peddlers.
The homegrown opium is consumed locally in raw form, without processing. The commercially transacted stuff in township areas comes mostly from Myanmar. It is also used in barter trade by Myanmar citizens.
“Opium and its derivatives are produced mainly in the Kachin and Shan states of Myanmar which have boundaries with Tirap and Changlang districts,” says Chanchal Yadav. “This region is almost lawless so it’s emboldened various underground groups to smuggle opium and heroin across. Poor Myanmarese who cross over to buy rice, salt or life-saving drugs also bring small quantities to be used in barter.”
While poppy cultivation is rampant in the adjacent districts of Lohit and Anjaw, Changlang—except in the interior villages of Khimiyang, Manmao, Rima, Miao and Diyun circles—is relatively free of cultivation owing to a massive awareness campaign, both about the consequences of opium addiction and about the Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances (NDPS) Act—and destruction of standing crop on a large scale. De-addiction centres have been opened.
Marina Khenglang, however, feels these are mere cosmetic measures. She believes the insurgents have to be tackled with commitment and conviction, or, if that is not possible, radical alternatives must be explored. She herself has a plan: she wants to legalise poppy cultivation in Changlang and eastern Arunachal Pradesh.
“If you legalise it for pharmaceutical purposes, it becomes a great source of income. One of the main reasons for both addiction and insurgency is unemployment. Poppy, instead of being seen as a deadly crop, should be considered a cash crop. Of course, strict monitoring should be ensured,” she says.
It would be foolish and tragic, she says, if the people here were not allowed to make use of something they were naturally blessed with. She points to the fact that in other states poppy is a legal crop. “If it can be cultivated somewhere else, why not in Arunachal? Why this discrimination?”
Kaani is a way of life for 10-year-old boys as well as 90-year-old men. (Women usually stay away, with only very few of the older generation being addicts.) According to Marina Khenglang, “Hundred per cent households of the district have at least one addict. Whatever meagre income they earn is spent on the drug. Most often, what they earn is not enough to sustain the addiction.”
On average, the addict consumes two to five grams of opium a day. Annual consumption in the district is estimated at around 20 tonnes. A tola (11.9 grams) of opium cloth—a rectangular piece of cloth made from string nettles, and measuring about 6 cm x 8 cm, in which the extracted opium is gathered —sells for `400 to ` 600 depending on the quality.
The life of men in almost every house in Changlang is centred on the hearth around which they gather and smoke up. (Most houses, especially those of the Tangsas and Tutsas, also have buffalo skulls hanging from the bamboo walls.) The opium cloth is first drenched in water and then slowly heated to extract the opium which is then mixed with plantain fibre and heated again. This mixture is then smoked in bamboo hookahs. No one makes any bones about the fact they they’re addicts.
“What else can we do anyway?” asks Mamai, the Gaon Bura or village headman of Rangkatu village. “All we have is our pain, physical and mental, inside and outside. And opium is a wonderful painkiller.”
For the women, it’s worse and they don’t have the solace of oblivion. An elderly woman from Old Changlang village puts it succinctly: “On the one hand, we have to deal with the addiction of our men. On the other, we have to deal with the men of the Indian army and the men of the insurgent army.”
Tom Simai, a journalist with Arunachal Times and the Amazing Arunachal website, offers a bleak prognosis. “In fact, the crack has begun and if it explodes, it’ll crumble everything—the hopes, the expectations, the aspirations, the families, the societies, the future, just about everything—nothing will be the same. Their world is wholly disparate from the so-called civilized world. They inhale the smoke, sip the acrid tea and outpour their angst. Deep inside, the pains are too intense, they cry, they suffer and they bleed for failing to redeem parental expectations and societal hopes.”
Changlang’s business development officer Nonju Tikhak echoes Simai’s pessimism. “The truth, beyond all rhetoric and political posturing, is that the future generations of Changlang are already lost to opium,” But there’s little consensus on the possible remedies. Many of the elders I spoke to blamed it on the education deficit but said they are helpless to deal with it.
“There has to be a culture of education in place. It’s missing here,” says Timjong Longchang, a teacher at a primary school in Rangkatu village. But he doesn’t want to blame the students. His children depend on Changlang, 12 kilometres away, for higher education, but the road to the district headquarters is often damaged and there are no bus services.
It doesn’t help that many of the children who overcome these challenges find themselves without jobs once they complete their education. “What can you tell the children about the importance of education when they see educated people living without jobs, lost to opium? What’s the point in blaming opium or insurgency when there are no jobs?” Timjong is himself a former addict.
But Nonju Thikhak is among the few I met who hasn’t lost heart. She had left the state for higher studies and had graduated from the National Institute of Fashion Technology (NIFT) in Delhi. She then worked in Gurgaon with a multinational firm before deciding she had enough of the “mainland”.
“After a point, you start to lose your sense of self-worth because you’re not in the least important to them. I wasn’t someone who wanted to stay with north-eastern people all the time. In fact, I made it a point to mingle as much as I can with people from other states,” she says.
Despite that, the “emigrant life” had taken its toll on her, forcing her to return home. “They (people in Changlang) need me infinitely more than any multinational company. If more educated people from Arunachal Pradesh choose to serve their own people, we can usher in a revolutionary change,” Nonju says. Upon her return she has found “great meaning” in her own love for the tradition she is part of, and in the appreciation of the “amazingly beautiful and diverse customs” it encompasses. 
Few people I met blamed the insurgents for their problems. In fact, they were indignant over reports that NSCN(K) was involved in “rampant extortion, forcible abduction of young boys for recruitment. and young girls as comfort women”.
There is a promptness about proclaiming the proud legacy of Naga brotherhood, and the shared cultural and political histories of many centuries which binds theirs and the insurgents’ destinies inextricably together. A local policeman, for instanc dreads the possibility of armed combat with them because “we are, after all, one people, one blood. How can I hold my gun against them?” There seems to be silent approval of the administration’s management style because people feel the situation is so fragile that even one false move, the slightest shift, could prove catastrophic.
Here’s the Gaon Bura of Salang: “It’s good that the NSCN(K) have a camp (Rocket) here. They give us immunity from the Indian army.” And this is what Nonghki Kamba longchang has to ask: I’m Naga, they’re also Naga. Why should I be against the insurgents?” 
Amidst all this, one significant viewpoint, that of the faithful, hopeless addicts, is hardly listened to. The intense political discussions seem to ignore a question that has much significance in terms of the trials of day-to-day existence, one that Phikam Kanglom asks with a hearty yet uncomfortable laugh: “If there’s a crackdown on insurgency, where will we get our opium from?”
The last stretch of our road in Changlang is much shorter, just five kilometres from Circuit House to “Rocket Camp” in Salang. It’s time to meet the men who matter more than anyone else in the district. The road takes us past the DC’s office, a school playground, a CRPF outpost where this day (August 31) is for weapons inspection—with the arms laid out in the open—and a church dedicated to John the Baptist.
The soldiers at the camp assure us that no security problems are involved in going to Salang. But the lone soldier manning the last bunker near the bridge over the Tirap river is less enthusiastic. “Don’t blame me if something goes wrong. I’m responsible for your safety only till you cross this bridge. When you reach the other side, you’re in their area,” he says.
We cross without incident and walk almost another hour before we reach the edge of Salang. At the entrance, an anti-opium campaign board hangs from a post. There’s a sense of seclusion and a silence that is at once tranquil and eerie. All of Changlang’s villages seem to be in possession of this quality, but it’s certainly more pronounced here.
A young man at the first house in the village asks us to meet the Gaon Bura before going any further. The headman’s house isn’t unlike most other traditional houses in Changlang: a two-room bamboo structure thatched with palm leaves that stand on stump-sized pillars of wood and stone. It has a large courtyard and a raised verandah at the front.
The Gaon Bura is 60, soft spoken and effusive in his praise for the way NSCN(K) looks after the villagers. We’re told to wait in his house till a relative gets the permission from the camp. The bamboo walls of his house are adorned with the photographs of his sons and daughters. The women of the house look every now and then at us with curious suspicion. A little girl walks into the front room and sits beside the Gaon Bura for a while.
He tells us that after the insurgents group took control of the village the army had stopped bothering them. “We lived in the fear of the army. But with NSCN(K), the army doesn’t cause so much trouble.”
He is unequivocal in his support for the cause. “I’ll be happy if they win and if Nagalim comes into existence. We’re all Nagas. It can only be good if we have a country of our own.” But he isn't too optimistic about success. “It might take a long time. Maybe I won’t live to see victory. But it’s important to believe in the cause.”
As I’m making conversation with the old man, we’re interrupted by four armed men in uniform who barge in as if they own the place. There are no questions, no explanations, they simply blindfold the three of us and drag us out—I presume because I can’t see—to the Gaon Bura’s courtyard.
The interrogation begins and it’s interspersed with beatings with rifle butts and lathis and a handsome dose of abuses. They keep asking us if we are intelligence men working for Assam Rifles. (We later learn that relations with the army have become strained recently.)
They have come prepared. They have been tracking us since we landed in Changlang. They know where we have travelled, the names of people we have spoken to, the times at which those conversations happened, and what our questions were. They were everywhere.
It’s something we had never bargained for, though we can’t say we weren’t warned. The sentry’s words come back to me. Nobody can guarantee us here at this moment. There’s nothing we can do but beg for our lives, which we do, but all the uniforms keep insisting that we are army intelligence. Our protests have no effect.
They drag us off to the upper reaches, stopping at three points in between to shower more beatings. At one place, I hear children play, and women laugh. Somewhere else we’re tied to a post. The rifle butts rain in.
Eventually, we’re dragged out of the village into the hills. I can tell because we’re climbing, somewhere very high. We can’t see a thing because of the blindfolds. Meanwhile, my asthma inhaler and a scar on my chest are being interpreted as recording instruments: they keep asking me if these are “chips”. Deepu’s locket too is considered a “chip”, and they take it away from him.
The blows by now have become a sideshow, like kicks to a whiny dog no one cares about. Their focus is on interrogation. The three of us are questioned separately. Later, Deepu Philip, who last year was interrogated by the army at the border with Pakistan while on a photojournalism assignment in Rajasthan, tells us the two interrogations were remarkably similar. In between, we’re given a laddu each.
After a while, they take down our phone numbers and contact details of our families. It sounds ominous, my heart sinks. I’m ordered to recite a Christian prayer. (Most of the NSCN(K) cadres are Baptist Christians.) They make us say they’re not our enemies, but bhais. They say they’re not terrorists, but freedom fighters, they’re fighting for justice.
We’re infiltrators here and this is just a small price we have to pay. “When you enter a foreign country without permission, you have to be punished for infiltration,” one of the militants said.
The mosquitoes seem to be huge and bloodthirsty, and there is a swarm of unknown insects feasting on our flesh and blood. One of our captors is kind enough to keep them away by swatting at them. Finally, he unties my blindfold on orders. The stars are out and it’s an unforgettable sight, the most beautiful sky I have ever seen: a gloriously radiant crescent moon and a million, billion points of light winking at me, as if a watercolour’s been hung up there.
From what I can tell we were in custody till around 6 p.m. After a while, my friend of the mosquitoes comes up and tells me not to worry. “We will not kill you,” he says, adding something about how the Assam Rifles had started targeting them recently. That doesn’t mean they won’t beat us. Then I hear Munna’s voice. He’s begging the insurgents to stop the beatings. Maybe there’s a little hope now.
The orders are finally issued; we’re to go down. But I can’t walk; my ankles are gone. My new friend carries me all the way. When we get there, he reminds me again that they’re not bad people and asks me to pray for him and the cause. Munna is waiting for us with a senior NSCN(K) man not in military uniform, and to whom the other uniformed cadres are very respectful.
We’re told to beg for forgiveness. This senior man then asks us if we want to die by pistol or a big gun. Our final release orders come from this man.
Munna keeps telling us that it is in his “risk” that we’re being bailed out. He takes us to Circuit House in his car, takes us to our room, and confiscates our laptops and cameras. We are then taken back to another vehicle, a Bolero, with NSCN(K) men. They are there to ensure that we are out of Changlang. They drop us at Margherita and warn us to never return or write about this incident.
As we were being taken to Margherita, I couldn't help wonder what Mamai of Rangkatu really meant when he told us: “All we have is our pain, physical and mental, inside and outside. And opium is a wonderful pain killer.”